Memorandum Submitted to the Cobbold Comission – II

SARAWAK UNITED PEOPLES’ PARTY (SUPP) MEMORANDUM

The SUPP is the first political party to be formed in Sarawak and was registered on June 12, 1959. The subject of Malaysia has been fully discussed by all the Party branches and sub-branches, the views contained in the memorandum are therefore the consensus of opinion of the party and reflect the broad views of a cross section of the people of Sarawak.

One of the main tasks the SUPP has set itself to accomplish has been concerned with the welding together of the different and diverse races in Sarawak into one community with Sarawak as the object of its loyalty and with the fostering, particularly among the immigrant Chinese section of the population a sense of belonging to Sarawak.

The main platform of the SUPP is therefore the creation of a Sarawak nation through a common loyalty and to secure self-government and independence.

The Malaysia Plan as proposed by the Prime Minister of the Federation of Malaya, Y.T.M. Tunku Abdul Rahman Putra Al-Haj, conflicts with this aim of the SUPP in so far as It calls for acceptance now of a different loyalty which is alien and has no basis for appeal to the majority of the people of Sarawak.

Whereas it is easy for those born, bred or brought up in a country to have a sense of belonging to that country, it is difficult to expect this loyalty to be switched, particularly among politically unsophisticated people to a set up like that envisaged by the proposer of Malaysia.

It is therefore understandable that the immediate reaction of the Borneo peoples was unfavourable to the Malaysia Plan. It must be appreciated that the masses cannot adjust their political thinking as rapidly as required under the Malaysia Plan.

In Sarawak opposition to the Malaysia Plan can be partly attributed to the historical background, and past experience. For example, the Land Dayaks even today have bitter memories associated with foreign domination and oppression before the days of the White Rajah and the Sea Dayaks and others still fell strongly about domination by a Malay hierarchy both in Brunei days and under the Brooke Regime.

Most Malays on the other hand remember with bitterness the circumstances under which the country was ceded to the United Kingdom and there is therefore a natural suspicion of a further sudden change in the status of Sarawak which does not take the form of a straight forward or direct grant of self government or independence to the people.

The merging of Sarawak as a state in a Federation of Malaysia or independence through merger is not regarded as fulfilment of the aspirations of the people for self government or independence.

In essence the implication of the Malaysia Plan is merely a transfer of the political power from the United Kingdom to another sovereign state.

Although the Malaysia Plan envisages the break up of the present Federation of Malaya into its eleven component states and the merging together of these with the additional four states of Singapore, North Borneo, Brunei and Sarawak, it is abvious that the eleven states of the Federation of Malaya having formed one country before geographically, economically, and politically will be the dominating factor in the proposed Federation of Malaysia, and become the arbiter in all important matters of national policy vitally affecting the future and welfare of the new states in the proposed Federation of Malaysia.

So far as can be ascertained, the Constitution of the Federation of Malaya would be the basis for the proposed Federation of Malaysia which implies acknowledgement of the sovereignty of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong, acceptance of Islam as the National Religion and adoption of Malay as the national language. Imposition of these on the people of Sarawak would cause resentment because they are either alien or do not form part of the tenets of life of the vast majority of the people of Sarawak.

The memorandum of the Malaysia Solidarity Consultative Committee seeks to meet some of the points raised above by providing safeguards.

It is, however, very doubtful whether these safeguards are in fact effective or practicable. For instance is it practicable for a state within a Federation to have one language as the national language, a different language as a medium of instruction in schools and possibly a third language to be maintained as a subject in schools?

Further, even if these safeguards are written into the Constitution they could be removed by the predominant 11 component states of the present Federation of Malaya on the ground of national interest.

There is good ground for this reservation as the Constitution of the Federation of Malaya had been amended twice affecting entrenched clauses and fundamental rights of the people within a period of four years, by the party in power without reference to the electorate. It is noted that according to the Memorandum of the Malaysia Solidarity Consultative Committee it was proposed that the special rights of the Malays in the Federation of Malaya should be extended to the Malays and the indigenous peoples of Borneo, who would be termed Founder Citizens of the Federation of Malaysia and the same would be written into the Constitution of the proposed Federation of Malaysia.

This implies at least two classes of Citizens. While it is appreciated that the less advanced section of the inhabitants should be given more opportunities to improve their standard of living (indeed this is the SUPP policy as contained in the aims and objects in its Constitution) it is wrong in principle to perpetuate discrimination against a class of the citizens of a country.

It is not conducive to creation of a nation and a people. It offends against the spirit and intent of the Nine Cardinal Principles in the Constitution of Sarawak and particularly Article 8 thereof.

It is further noted that the Malaysia Solidarity Consultative Committee envisages the continuation of the present Sarawak Constitution which provides for indirect representation without a representative Government.

It confirms the view widely held that the object of the Malaysia Plan is no more than a transfer of Sovereignty by one power to another.

Two reasons have often been advanced for the desirability of Sarawak entering into the Federation of Malaysia, namely that the vulnerability to aggression and economic viability. The first presupposes the abandonment by Her Majesty's Government of the United Kingdom of the Borneo territories and it would be impossible for an independent Sarawak, to make arrangements or seek alignment for its own defence and that Malaysia as such would be invulnerable.

In fact the Federation of Malaya itself being so placed geographically to those countries in South East Asia, which are now subject to Communist infiltration, is in greater danger than any of the Borneo territories and it is also difficult to see how the Federation of Malaya separated by more than 300 miles of sea is able to defend Sarawak unaided.

Any arrangements with other powers for the defence of Sarawak by a Federation of Malaysia can also be effected by Sarawak as an independent state.

Over the years Sarawak has been able to not only survive economically but to expand and develop its economy and having an area almost as large as Malaya itself with only about one tenth of its population it would appear that economically its propects of survival may be even better.

It has a socio-economic structure based on smallholders with comparatively speaking no wide disparity in the distribution of wealth. It is a society that should be more economically stable than that of the other territories in the proposed Federation of Malaysia.

It is therefore the considered view of members of the SUPP that the arguments advanced for the bringing into being of the proposed Federation of Malaysia before the people of Sarawak are given independence and can determine their own future either along or in association with other states is detrimental to the fundamental interest of the people of Sarawak and is inconsistent with the declared aim of Her Majesty's Government when it took over Sarawak from H.H. the Rajah to uphold and preserve the Sarawak Constitution and honour the Nine Cardinal Principles contained therein.

The SUPP is not against any association with other states provided such association would not in any way infringe on the fundamental rights of the people of Sarawak. Association with the Federation of Malaya and Singapore in accordance with the Malaysia Plan as outlined in the Memorandum of the Malaysia Solidarity Consultative Committee will not be in our view acceptable.

On the other hand the proposal for closer association of the Borneo territories which had been the subject of discussion over a long period between both the government and the people of the territories seems to us a more feasible and desirable proposition.

There is much more in common between these territories. They are more closely linked geographically. They have already taken measures for close co-operation and have now certain combined public services and a common market arrangement has also been established between North Borneo and Sarawak.

The SUPP therefore would submit:-

• That the people of Sarawak are overwhelmingly against the Malaysia Plan and it would be immoral to hand them over to foreign control. The Malaysia Plan should not be imposed upon the people of Sarawak

• That the people of Sarawak should be given the right of self-determination

• That if it is the wish of Her Majesty's Government of the United Kingdom to relinquish control of Sarawak, the Government of the country should be handed over to the people of Sarawak and not to any other government

• That Her Majesty's Government should honour its pledge when it took over Sarawak and not abrogate the Nine Cardinal Principles which forms part of the Sarawak Constitution

• That the desire of the people is now for closer links with the adjoining territories of Borneo and North Borneo

• That in no circumstances should the future of Sarawak be decided without a referendum organised on democratic lines

• That the people of Sarawak have unequivocally signified their opposition to the Malaysia Plan in a signature campaign organised by SUPP within three weeks of the arrival of the Commission of Enquiry. The signatures will be submitted to the Commission by all the branches of the SUPP.

Speaking to newsmen afterwards, Mr Ong said that on the whole the Commission had given the delegation a fair hearing.

However, he said that one Malayan members of the Commission had tried to point out the safeguards which the Party might have overlooked in its representations. Mr Ong said he replied that though the Party was fully aware of these safeguards they were always subject to change as recent events in Malaya had shown.

Mr Ong also denied rumours that the documents containing the signatures opposing Malaysia were signed by people who did not know what they were asked to sign. He said that each document was printed in four languages — English, Chinese, Malay and Iban — and it was explained to each signatory what he or she was asked to sign.