Tunku Abdul Rahman memorandum to the British
on the establishment of the Federation of Malaysia
46 PREM 11/3418
26 June 1961
[The Grand Design]: letter from Tunku Abdul Rahman to Mr Macmillan.
Enclosure: ‘Integration of British North Borneo territories and Singapore with the Federation of Malaya’
I was gratified to read your encouraging statement in Parliament last week about the proposed association of the Borneo territories, Singapore and the Federation of Malaya. As you may already be aware, I have written to Mr. Sandys regarding this, in particular about the future relationship of Brunei and the Federation. I am now forwarding a memorandum giving in some details our further thoughts on the subject, which I hope may serve as a basis for discussions.
Introduction
It is generally agreed that all dependent territories should in due course attain Sovereign and Independent status, an objective over which the United Kingdom and the Federation Government have no differences. Indeed, the Federation Government has followed the policies pursued in various parts of the world by the United Kingdom Government in this regard with appreciation and sympathy, being aware of the delicate balance required between progressive policies and the realities of particular situations. The immediate areas of concern to the Federation Government is Singapore, and further away, however, are the neighbouring territories, namely North Borneo, Brunei and Sarawak. The future must inevitably require careful, long term and in the present political climate, urgent consideration.
2. Annexes A and B show a breakdown of the area and population of each of these territories, and a map of this region.
3. The history of the Federation of Malaya is interrelated with the history of the Sultanate of Brunei which was formerly a powerful state with authority over those other two Borneo territories and territories of the Malay archipelago. There had been trade and political, social and cultural ties between those territories and Malaya from time immemorial. Racially the various indigenous peoples of those territories are related to the Malays, in fact they come of the same stock. The British domination in various degrees in this region during recent history brought about a closer political and administrative connection between the British North Borneo territories and British Malaya. There was established a currency union which still exists in the form of a Currency Agreement and there was interchangeability of the civil, police, educational and technical services, and in the case of the State of Brunei, many Malayan Civil Service, Medical Service and Technical Service officers are serving on secondment with the Brunei Government.
Proposal
4. Under the Defence Treaty with the United Kingdom, Malaya is committed for the defence of the Borneo territories, Singapore and Hong Kong in the event of external aggression or outbreak of hostilities in these territories. With regard to Singapore the Federation of Malaya is represented in the Internal Security Council.
It would not be out of place therefore if these territories were brought into closer ties with the Federation of Malaya. It is proposed therefore as a first step that the territories of Brunei, Borneo and Sarawak be brought into the Federation as units of the Federation, enjoying the same rights and privileges as the States which presently form the Federation of Malaya, namely, Johore, Malacca, Negri Sembilan, Selangor, Pahang, Perak, Kelantan, Trengganu, Kedah, Perlis and Penang. Brunei, being a Sultanate, would have a Sultan as Head of State, the other two territories would be headed by Governors as is done with Penang and Malacca. It would be better of course if Sarawak could be returned to Brunei, at least the northern part of Sarawak, where the population is mainly Malays and Dyaks.
5. After the merger of these territories with the Federation of Malaya, the next logical step would be to form a greater federation with Singapore. As the present Constitution of Singapore requires to be reviewed in 1963, the most appropriate time for preliminary discussions with Singapore would be before that date. It would be difficult at this stage, to determine the position of Singapore in its relation with the Federation, but it is obvious that once they become part of the greater federation, Singapore would be subject to the influence of the Federation, with rights to determine fully its internal affairs, except with regard to matters of national importance, such as internal security, defence, development finance, immigration, education and internal defence, and so it follows with regard to foreign affairs the Greater Federation Government will assume sole responsibility.
6. The next matter which will require attention will be the question of British bases in Singapore which are now used as part of SEATO defence. But after the merger of Singapore with the Federation it is obvious that these bases would no longer be at the disposal of SEATO but could be maintained as bases for the defence of the Commonwealth.
7. The administration of Singapore, Brunei and the Federation presents no difficulties whatsoever because the system of civil administration in these territories follows the same pattern based on British administration. It only remains to maintain the present administrative system, and in the future the officers of these territories would be interchangeable or transferable as they belong to the same service. It is proposed however that Singapore should maintain their own civil service but with rights to claim for secondment of officers from the Federation.
8. It is proposed that a discussion on this line mentioned above should be held when the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom visits the Federation in September, after which a formal discussion can be arranged with representatives of the Federation Government on one side and the United Kingdom as representing the United Kingdom Government and these other territories on the other side.
9. There are no Constitutional problems however novel or difficult which cannot be resolved. The main problem will be how to present the plan for Greater Malaysia to the peoples of three respective territories. Singapore can express their own will through their elected representatives, but in view of the political immaturity of the people of Borneo it is not anticipated that they will have politicians who can represent them. It is to be expected therefore that the representation of the United Kingdom Government will include representatives from each of these territories as well. This meeting should decide on the appointment of an independent Commission with terms of reference to work out the Constitutional details of such a federation of territories. It is suggested that this Commission should, if possible, be made up of those members of the Commission who drafted the Constitution of the Federation of Malaya, with the exception of the Chairman, Lord Reid, who it is understood is indisposed. In his place it is proposed that Lord Ogmore who is conversant with affairs in this part of the world should be invited to serve as Chairman.
10. It is a matter for emphasis that such a federation, comprising a grand total of nearly ten million people, in an area of 130,000 square miles, as against a Federation of 50,000 square miles, will have the effect of creating a greater importance in the hearts and minds of the people of these territories and a national pride which would go a long way in building up a feeling of loyalty to the country. The federation of a Greater Malaysia or a Greater Malaya, whichever name may be decided upon, will be powerful and viable and will be able to give greater contribution in the support of the Commonwealth association.
11. It has been suggested in some quarters that the merger of these territories is a matter for a long term objective and should be considered as such. The Federation Government however does not share this view. It is felt that the time is opportune to give immediate consideration to a plan for an early integration of these territories with the Federation of Malaya. A delay will only result in many undesirable consequences. For example, the Federation is one of the participating Governments to the present Currency Agreement. The other four participating Governments are those whose territories are the subject of this proposal. It will be appreciated that this participation in an Agreement which requires unanimity on all major issues derogates materially from the Federation’s sovereignty as an independent nation in currency and financial matters. It is therefore natural that continued participation in such an Agreement under such conditions would be unsatisfactory from a long term point of view. The Federation Government is already being subjected to constant criticism by political opponents and the matter has become a live issue in recent election campaigns. In fact the Federation Government is actively considering withdrawing from this Agreement in accordance with the agreed procedure specified therein. At the same time it is felt that it would be a pity to break up an Agreement which has served all concerned so well in the past, but this Government would have no alternative, unless there is a reasonable prospect that all the territories covered by this Agreement will, in the near future, form an integral part of the Federation.
12. It is hoped that the British Government would give favourable consideration to this proposal for a Greater Malaysia. While relationship between the Federation of Malaya and the United Kingdom has been most cordial and the ties of friendship and common interest are inseparable, such a federation of territories as proposed will do much to arrest the spread of Communism in this region of Asia, and this is particularly urgent in view of the recent intensive Communist activities in South East Asia as a result of their success in Laos.
